Reading posts by foreigners about Brazil, I get the impression that you're not aware of the full extent of the…

Reading posts by foreigners about Brazil, I get the impression that you're not aware of the full extent of the accusations against Sen. Flávio Bolsonaro, or of the available evidence of his corruption. So I'd like to kindly invite you to really get to know Flávio. A thread 🧵🇧🇷

1) The seizure of Flávio Bolsonaro's passport was ordered as part of the investigation into his relationship with Willer Tomaz, a lawyer accused of being a professional money launderer. In 2025 alone, Mr. Tomaz moved US$1 billion through a single betting platform. Let’s dive in:

a) Mr. Tomaz has been arrested before, is accused of money laundering in a scheme that siphoned money from pensioners, and has been the target of a search-and-seizure operation. He’s very close to Flávio: they traveled abroad together five times between January and May 2025.

b) Mr. Tomaz owns an offshore company, “Alcazar Holdings”, which held a one-third stake in a private jet used by disgraced banker Daniel Vorcaro — now in prison over the biggest financial scandal in Brazil's history — who owned another third. Police suspect Flávio is a partner.

c) Emails leaked to the press show that Flávio could control Alcazar’s bank account. The two are also caught up in a high-profile scandal: Richarlison, the Spurs striker, accuses them of stealing — through legal shenanigans — an island close to Rio that he bought six years ago.

2) His ties to Mr. Tomaz aren't the only scandal Flávio is allegedly involved in. Far more consequential for the election was his closeness to the jailed banker who owned the other third of that private jet. Flávio asked Mr. Vorcaro for US$24M to fund a biopic about his father.

a) The script of “Dark Horse” became a laughingstock. The trailer makes the budget — never made public — look implausible. The film also got public money, via congressional earmarks and São Paulo City Hall. The Federal Police are investigating possible misappropriation of funds.

b) In WhatsApp texts with Mr. Vorcaro, Flávio called him “big bro” and said the banker could “always count on him.” Vorcaro allegedly bribed several Bolsonaro close allies: the governor of the Federal District used public money to try to rescue his bank. And there’s much more:

c) The governor of Rio, Flávio’s ally in his home state, used state pension fund money to help the bank. Vorcaro paid for his trips and whisky. Bolsonaro’s ex-chief of staff tried to rescue the bank in the Senate. He got a monthly allowance, an apartment, a credit card and trips.

3) Back in 2007, as a state lawmaker, Flávio publicly defended the “milícias” — a form of organized crime that emerged in Rio to control territory and charge residents protection fees. His ties to these criminals, especially Adriano da Nóbrega, are still cause for concern.

Adriano da Nóbrega, killed in a 2020 shootout with police, ran a murder-for-hire business. A former cop, like many “milícia” members, he was expelled from the force in 2014 over his ties to organized crime. Flávio awarded him a state medal and even took shooting lessons with him.

Adriano's wife worked in Flávio's office at the state assembly from 2007 to 2018; his mother, from 2016 to 2018. Both are suspected of taking part in a scheme that diverted public funds from the office. Flávio was charged, though the case was later annulled on procedural grounds.

The office scheme was allegedly run by Fabrício Queiroz, an ex-cop who had served with Adriano. He collected money from other staffers and paid bills such as school fees for Flávio's daughters. In 2020, he was found hiding — and arrested — at a house owned by Flávio's lawyer.

Flávio's allies in his home state are cause for concern. The politician he had picked to run for Senate is in jail on suspicion of money laundering, and has known ties to the “milícias.” The first gubernatorial candidate he wanted is also in jail, over ties to drug trafficking.

4) Flávio's wealth raises eyebrows. In 2021, he bought a US$1M mansion, worth 3x his 2018 declared assets, with a loan from BRB, a Federal District public bank that later tried to buy Vorcaro's bank. From the 1990s to 2018, his family bought 51 properties at least partly in cash.

Given all this, many in Brazil expected that, if defeated, Flávio would leave the country. With his immunity ending, the Federal Police were set to ramp up their investigations — hence the request to seize his passport. Before calling it persecution, please consider our context.